May 2008 Archives
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A group of tech-savvy professors are claiming punk music as inspiration for their approach to teaching. They call their approach Edupunk.
A group of tech-savvy professors are claiming punk music as inspiration for their approach to teaching. They call their approach Edupunk.
Punk rock was a rebellion against the clean, predictable sound of popular music and it also encouraged a do-it-yourself attitude. Edupunk seems to be a reaction against the rise of course-managements systems, which offer cookie-cutter tools that can make every course Web site look the same.
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"We just executed a man with the IQ of an 11-year-old child," Virginia defense attorney Timothy M. Richardson announced to reporters after the death of his client at the Greensville Correctional Center in Jarratt, Va. At 10 p.m. on May 27, state executioners killed 31-year old Kevin Green, who confessed to the murder of a convenience store owner during a robbery in 1998. Green was sent to death row and kept there for 10 years, despite having an IQ of 65, which qualified him as mentally retarded.
"We just executed a man with the IQ of an 11-year-old child," Virginia defense attorney Timothy M. Richardson announced to reporters after the death of his client at the Greensville Correctional Center in Jarratt, Va. At 10 p.m. on May 27, state executioners killed 31-year old Kevin Green, who confessed to the murder of a convenience store owner during a robbery in 1998. Green was sent to death row and kept there for 10 years, despite having an IQ of 65, which qualified him as mentally retarded.
Many Americans assume that executing mentally disabled prisoners is a thing of the past. In a landmark ruling involving another Virginia prisoner, Daryl Renard Atkins, in 2002, the U.S. Supreme Court decided that executing the mentally retarded was tantamount to "cruel and unusual punishment." "It is fair to say that a national consensus has developed against it," Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in Atkins v. Virginia, citing the growing number of states that had outlawed it.
The ruling followed years of executions -- some high-profile -- of mentally challenged defendants, including the controversial death of Ricky Ray Rector, the lobotomized Arkansas death row prisoner who then-presidential candidate Bill Clinton stopped to see killed while on the campaign trail in 1992. There was also the case of Mario Marquez, a mentally disabled Texas death row prisoner who had been abused as a child before being abandoned by his parents at age 12. No discussion of his mental retardation or years of abuse entered the courtroom before he was sentenced to die. But his post-conviction attorney would later describe how Marquez "was never able to discuss the specifics of his legal case, but instead we talked a lot about his favorite animals, things he liked to draw, and how he missed being able to see his brothers and sisters." Marquez was executed on the day of Gov. George W. Bush's inauguration, in 1995.
And then there was the case of Earl Washington, a mentally disabled Virginia man who was exonerated in 2000 after having falsely confessed to a rape and murder committed in 1982. "The confession proved to be the prosecution's only evidence linking Washington to the crime," reported the Innocence Project, and "psychological analysis of Washington reported that, to compensate for his disability, Washington would politely defer to any authority figure with whom he came into contact. Thus, when police officers asked Washington leading questions in order to obtain a confession, he complied and offered affirmative responses in order to gain their approval."
Nobody disputed the guilt of Kevin Green. But Washington's confession put him in the company of many disabled prisoners whose mental pliability makes them especially vulnerable to false confessions -- one of the leading contributions to wrongful conviction.
The Atkins decision was a critical development in death penalty jurisprudence, in keeping with a trend the court likes to call our country's "evolving standards of decency." But when it came to enforcement, the court's 6-to-3 ruling contained what has proved to be a fatal flaw: It left it up to the states to define mental retardation, providing no standard measure for determining a defendant's mental capacity, thus rendering the law hopelessly elastic. The result: Prisoners with severe mental disabilities continue to face execution across the country.
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Charged with burglarizing two family members' homes in Clay County earlier this year, Michael Gilliam was facing as many as 20 years in prison -- and angry relatives pushing for stiff punishment.
Charged with burglarizing two family members' homes in Clay County earlier this year, Michael Gilliam was facing as many as 20 years in prison -- and angry relatives pushing for stiff punishment.
But before his felony case got to trial, a judge suggested the prosecution and defense try something different -- an informal mediation process that, in less than an hour, resulted in a plea agreement where Gilliam avoided prison but agreed to pay restitution, get drug treatment and be on probation for five years.
The March 18 mediation also gave Gilliam and his victims a chance to speak, to each other and a neutral judge, with Gilliam eventually apologizing for his crimes. "Both sides felt like they got something out of it and got to have their say," said Kristen Bailey, Gilliam's attorney.
She would not allow him to discuss the process because he's not yet been formally sentenced. But she noted, "The victims felt like they were being listened to, and my client felt like he was being listened to."
Gilliam's was one of 18 felony cases mediated and settled for Clay, Jackson and Leslie counties that day -- as part of a state pilot program that aims to reduce congestion in courts, and in prisons.
While mediation is common in civil cases, felony mediation is rare in Kentucky and across the country, in part because of prosecutor opposition and judges' concerns about political fallout from the public.
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In what may be the strongest link yet between lead exposure and crime rates, researchers at the University of Cincinnati on Tuesday released new evidence, spanning more than 20 years, that draws a direct relationship between the amount of lead in a child's blood and the likelihood he or she will commit crimes as an adult.
In what may be the strongest link yet between lead exposure and crime rates, researchers at the University of Cincinnati on Tuesday released new evidence, spanning more than 20 years, that draws a direct relationship between the amount of lead in a child's blood and the likelihood he or she will commit crimes as an adult.
Research has shown before that lead has harmful effects on judgment, cognitive function and the ability to regulate behavior. But until now the best research focused on juveniles, not adults.
Now, researchers have collected data from as early as 1979 when pregnant women and their healthy babies had their blood drawn regularly at four Cincinnati medical clinics. By the time the children were 7, researchers had a complete portrait of lead levels.
Nearly two decades later, the researchers tracked down 250 of the subjects, ages 19-24. Controlling for a host of factors, including parental IQ, education, income and drug use, the team found that the more lead in a child's blood from birth through age 7, the more likely he or she was to be arrested as an adult. The tie between high lead levels and violent crime was particularly strong.
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Campaign aides for Sen. John McCain want very much to sell the American public on the "McCain brand" and to pitch the Republican candidate as a sort of stand-alone, untarnished political entity, according to a recent Washington Post article.
Campaign aides for Sen. John McCain want very much to sell the American public on the "McCain brand" and to pitch the Republican candidate as a sort of stand-alone, untarnished political entity, according to a recent Washington Post article.
The marketing ploy, if successful, would not only create distance between the candidate and the rest of the Republican Party, which currently suffers from widespread voter disapproval, it would also effectively elevate McCain and make him a larger-than-life figure, the spokesman for his own maverick brand that's built on political independence.
"The campaign's general-election strategy is to sell the McCain brand to show voters that he is distinct from President Bush and other Republicans," the Post reported.
So guess what members of the press, including those at MSNBC, CNN, NBC, The Washington Post, Newsweek, the Politico, and The Boston Globe, have been doing incessantly in recent weeks. They've been making glowing references to the durability and appeal of the "McCain brand." I mean, how lucky can the Republicans get? The press is echoing precisely the message that the candidate's advisers want repeated again and again. What are the odds?
I assume the sarcasm is coming through loud and clear here.
